david frum the atlantic


The president imagined that he could do unto Woodward as Woodward was doing unto him. Trump voters were more economically pessimistic than other Republicans. Trump yelled, threatened, interrupted—and changed nothing. In Cleveland, the president yelled, threatened, interrupted—and changed nothing. Now the banana peels have been dumped beneath his own feet. Trump disgraced the presidency on that stage. He needed something to happen either to help him or, more plausibly, to push the Biden camp into some mistake or misstep. On the preexisting trajectory of the 2020 campaign, Trump was going to lose—and probably lose big.

Submit a letter to the editor or write to [email protected]. In July 2015, he boasted, “As a businessman and a very substantial donor to very important people, when you give, they do whatever the hell you want them to do.” Now Trump was offering to put his hard-won knowledge to work for put-upon voters. Correction: Trump did one thing. The president proved once again that he regards himself as a wartime leader of Red America against Blue America.
At a press conference on the afternoon the New York Times Trump tax story broke, he denounced as false the report that he had paid only $750 in tax in 2017. All he did was confirm the horror and revulsion of the large American majority that has already begun to cast its ballots against him.

He may try to huff and puff—a tactic that might have saved the day if he were sitting on a lead. In Cleveland, the president yelled, threatened, interrupted—and changed nothing. Two North American nations seemed to be on the same path—and then they diverged.

For once in his life, Trump seems tongue-tied. TheAtlantic.com Copyright (c) 2020 by The Atlantic Monthly Group. Watch his face as he issued the denial, though, and you can see him belatedly foresee the follow-up question: “But can you give people an idea of how much you actually are paying?” Trump was visibly scrambled. On the present trajectory, nearly 150 million votes are likely to be cast in 2020. On the Cleveland stage, Trump communicated that he will seize any opportunity to disrupt the vote and resist the outcome.

They identified themselves as people who worked, who were mooched upon from below and exploited from above. His political project through the pandemic has been to mess with his opponents by hurling one crazy distraction after another. A conversation with David Carballo about the fall of the Aztec empire. He’s losing. David Frum is a staff writer at The Atlantic and the author of Trumpocalypse: Restoring American Democracy . At a press conference a year later, he upped the estimate of his sacrifice to $5 billion. The plan was to hector, interrupt, and insult in hopes of establishing that dominance. Biden may be faded from what he was: perhaps less crisp, less sharp, less fast.

TheAtlantic.com Copyright (c) 2020 by The Atlantic Monthly Group. The definitive debunking of this lie now does two things. His tax returns dispel all his pretensions to wealth and sacrifice, and his reelection campaign is running out of time. A president who does not respect tax laws, does not respect the FBI, is surely not going to be constrained by a debate moderator. A war-game exercise simulating the 2020 election unmasked some key vulnerabilities. Trump walked onto that stage in Cleveland seven or eight points behind, because the traditional Republican advantage among upper-income and educated voters has dwindled; because non-college-educated white women have turned against him; because he is losing older voters to his mishandling of COVID-19; because the groups he needs to be demobilized—African Americans, the young—are up-mobilized. David Frum is a staff writer at The Atlantic and the author of Trumpocalypse: Restoring American Democracy (2020).

David Frum is a staff writer at The Atlantic and the author of Trumpocalypse: Restoring American Democracy . On Fox & Friends that August, he complained about financiers avoiding taxes: “They should be taxed a fair amount of money,” he said.
Debate one was not Donald Trump versus Joe Biden, or red versus blue. But it was revealing pandemonium. The title of conservative writer David Frum’s article—“This Is Trump’s Fault”—newly published in the Atlantic, is self-explanatory, as are the facts he … Instead, he’s trying to climb out of an eight-to-10-point deficit.

He alone would bring class justice to this country, redirecting benefits from the super-rich to deserving people such as themselves. David Frum is a staff writer at The Atlantic and the author of Trumpocalypse: Restoring American Democracy (2020). Not many days and hours remain, and Trump has abruptly lost almost any vestige of control over either the game or the clock.

Trump spoke only about his wounded ego. Now, suddenly, it’s his own decision loop that has been disrupted. He might just have delivered the self-incapacitating wound that pushes the country toward self-salvation.

The president may eventually face legal liability, but he will not face a public reckoning for his actions before November. Whatever initiative he possessed as the incumbent president, it’s suddenly vanished. In 2001 and 2002, he was a speechwriter for President George W. Bush.

In 2001 and 2002, he was a speechwriter for President George W. Bush. The amazing thing about the saga is how much of it happened in the full light of day. Those class-aggrieved Republicans believed that high earners paid too little in tax and wanted taxes on corporations and rich people raised, not cut. The first coronavirus spike, in late April, can be blamed on the president’s negligence. What the Republican Party actually stands for, in 13 points. It was zookeepers versus poop-throwing primates. His tax returns dispel all his pretensions to wealth and sacrifice, and his reelection campaign is running out of time. He told them a story about corrupt elites, symbolized first by his Republican rivals, then by Hillary Clinton. Trump communicated: I hate everybody. They were more racially aggrieved. Remember: Back in 2015, when Donald Trump announced his campaign for president, about one-third of Republicans and Republican-leaners condemned the distribution of wealth in the United States as unjust. Trump’s hopes for 2020 depended on fantastic overperformance with white voters without college degrees. Second, and perhaps more important, the ink-on-paper confirmation of Trump’s indebtedness, tax dodging, and all-around crookedness will get into Trump’s head. Submit a letter to the editor or write to [email protected]. In 2001 and 2002, he was a speechwriter for President George W. Bush. But really, nothing short of a shock collar around Trump’s neck would have disciplined the man who is, after all, the president of the United States. Gravity is now pulling harder against him. The whole world witnessed instead the destructive rage of a bully confronting impending defeat. David Frum is a staff writer at The Atlantic and the author of Trumpocalypse: Restoring American Democracy . Instead, he talked to Facebook conspiracists, to the angriest of ultra-Republican partisans, and to violent white supremacists. Many people will criticize how the moderator, Chris Wallace, managed the debate, and surely he could have done better. President Donald Trump arrived at the first debate with a theory and a plan. At the Canada-U.S. border, I encountered a study in contrasts. The highly politically aware always recognized that these claims of wealth and sacrifice were preposterously false. Trump should never have been allowed anywhere near any public office. When he at last delivered a tax plan in 2017, he insisted, “This is going to cost me a fortune, this thing, believe me.

It was pandemonium. He threatened months and months of chaos if the election does not go his way. His theory was wrong, and his plan was counterproductive. Biden succeeded in putting his most important messages on record: your health care, your job, your right to equal respect, regardless of race or creed—all against Trump’s disregard and disrespect. This is not good for me … I think my accountants are going crazy right now.”. But they were central to Trump’s messaging. His supporters, even those willing to be shameless, have been left to desperately contrive messages of their own.

In 2001 and 2002, he was a speechwriter for President George W. Bush.

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